A letter from Ireland
a Chara,
I have been party to several public and private discussions over the past two weeks on the future of Ireland. They have been engaging, challenging, and respectful.
There are parts of the Good Friday Agreement that I agreed with and others that I would have changed. On the whole, I supported it. But whether I liked it or not is inconsequential in the grand scheme of things. Irish republicanism is founded on the democratic right of the people of Ireland to define their constitutional future.
In 1998, in the North of Ireland, 71% endorsed the agreement, and 94% in the South. By any measure, the Good Friday Agreement is the constitutional will of the people of Ireland. It provides the framework for future constitutional change. To not agree with all the provisions of the Agreement is a fair comment; to oppose the Agreement in its entirety is to be fundamentally anti-democratic. That holds for both anti-agreement British Unionists and Irish Republicans.
The Good Friday Agreement obliges the British Government to recognize and legislate for Irish Unity if that is the wish of the people in referendums. Some argue that the British would not honor this provision and remain in opposition to the majorities north and south. That scenario, while possible, is highly unlikely. To refuse to do so would undermine 100 years of the British government’s own policy, the democratic vote of the people north and south, and would be unsustainable internationally. As always, it is the role of activists, the Irish Government, and the international community to hold the British to count.
Confusion also arises as to when and how referendums would be called. The Agreement is clear that both Governments can call referendums in their respective jurisdictions at ANY time. In fact, the former leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, David Trimble, who was part of the Agreement negotiations, called for the holding of a referendum in 2002 to coincide with the Assembly election.
A second provision on the referendum is that a British Secretary of State MUST call a referendum “if at any time it appears likely to him that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland.” This is not the criterion that has to be met before a referendum, but the criterion for which one can no longer be refused. The political reality is that a British Prime Minister would make the call in consultation with the Irish Government.
The third and final provision is that a further referendum CANNOT be held within seven years of the previous one.
The agreement provides that referendums could be called tomorrow, or next year, or sometime in the future.
The only obstacle to implementing the right to referendums is the opposition of the current Irish and British Governments. They are denying democracy. It is time to build the conversation on the future, to implement the right to referendums, and let the people decide.
I hope that clears up some confusion.
Have a great weekend.
Is mise,
Ciarán
Ciarán Quinn is the Sinn Féin Representative to North America. Each week he writes a letter from Ireland with news and analysis. It is featured in the weekly Friends of Sinn Féin USA Newsletter. Be sure you are subscribed to stay up to date.
